Slegs die eerste gedeelte van Steve se artikel is in Afrikaans vertaal om konteks te skep. Die res van die artikel word egter in Engels gepubliseer om seker te maak dat die intonasie van Steve se oorspronklike artikel behoue bly. -Red
In my land word die vraag oor wie besig is om Suid-Afrikaners uit te roei as ŉ weersinwekkende taboe – ŉ rassistiese belediging – beskou. Daar word altyd van mens verwag om polities korrekte perde te beteuel en die holruggeryde beginsel dat alle Suid-Afrikaners slagoffers is en dat ons almal in dieselfde bootjie is aan te hang. Sommige van ons begin egter nou dié polities korrekte “kumbaya” verwerp vir die verlammende twakpraatjies wat dit eintlik is.
Indien die relatief misdaad- en moordvrye samelewings nie die vrug van duur vryheid kan wees nie, het hierdie kinders [verwysend na die kinders in die foto hiernaas] moontlik almal tevergeefs gesterf. Miskien moes ons dit sien kom het. Die Hector Peterson-foto het ikoon-status bereik, terwyl niemand die naam van die wit seun onthou nie. Dit is nêrens gepubliseer nie. Asof sy belangrikheid in die niet verdwyn het tydens die Kersfees van 1985, toe Nelson Mandela se ANC een van hul talle bomme laat afgaan het, hierdie keer in Amanzimtoti. Johannes (8), Willem (2) en Isabella (5) het nie gestaak nie, het nie betoog nie, hulle het nie klippe gegooi nie, hulle het nie hoogverraad gepleeg of die polisie met gewere en knopkieries aangeval nie, maar hulle het koelbloedig in opdrag van Sibusiso Andrew Zondo gesterf.
Kritici het ŉ resensie met geldige vrae met betrekking tot Rob McCafferty se misdaadverslag oor lae ou Suid-Afrikaanse misdaadstatistiek publiseer (lees hier: www.gunowners.org). Hul gevolgtrekking is dat hy verkeerd is, dat Suid-Afrikaners nou hul mees vredevolle dekades in onlangse geskiedenis beleef, veral in vergelyking met die periode 1950 – 1990 – toe die lewensverwagting van swart mense van 38 tot 61 toegeneem het. Nie naastenby die sterftesyfer wat dit vandag in ons nuwe en vry Suid-Afrika is nie! (Illana Mercer, Into the Cannibal’s Pot, 2011).
Vandag spog ons weer met ŉ lewensverwagting laer as Uganda sŉ (51).
Hierdie kritici, Africa Check (blog) en Rapport (gedrukte media), het nou die onbenydenswaardige taak om Suid-Afrikaners gerus te stel deur die “akkurate” statistiek van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiediens te versoen met dít wat die wêreld beleef as die twyfelagtigste statistiek oor die moorddadigste samelewing in die wêreld.
1. This they do by guilt-tripping South African whites into believing that proportionally they should, by most recent estimates of annual murder rates, be committing 1.5 million of the 18 million murders per year – this when blacks committed 100% of the 36 620 rapes on blacks in 2005. (Bureau of Justice Statistics, Criminal Victimisation Statistical Tables). Not a single black person was raped by a Caucasian. Subsequently, as an “anti-racist” gesture, race is no longer indicated when reporting on these savageries.
2. To these critics fall the staggering responsibility of explaining to white farmers their disdain of the SA famers’ predicament. The white farmer is victim to more murders per capita of their group than any other community on earth (Philip du Toit, The Great South African Land Scandal, 2004). The 315/100k farm murders in SA in 2009, completely overshadow the Iraqi War mortality rate of 147/100k. Erring on the conservative side the publication “Land of Sorrows” records more than 3 319 individual attacks, but warn that the “actual number of people killed on farms (1 610) is much higher in all likelihood.” (Van Zyl and Hermann, 2012). These specific murders exhibit most of the other hallmarks of genocide, e.g. extreme brutality, racists slogans, cultural disdain, entitlement propaganda, exclusion from the workforce (by pallor-based policies of BEE, BBEEE, AA, PP, EE, quotas and representivity), etc. ISS senior researcher Dr J Burger estimated the murder rate of commercial farmers at 98,8 per 100k, 14 times the world average, three times the SA murder rate and twice as high as the murder rate amongst police officers (51/100k). And still Rapport and Africa Check insists that no claim can be made that any tribe is suffering any substantial losses.
3. These critics must yet vilify international figures and fears beyond the reach of local bias. White farmer murders gravitate between levels 5 and 6 on the International Genocide Watch of Dr. Gregory Stanton in the USA. Level 8 is when genocide is over and national denial sets in. Apart from sporadic interest (http://po.st/DDbVXP) abroad, the world takes little notice.
4. Until the early nineties crime in a somewhat crime-free SA was managed with relative ease, when South Africa maintained a police to population ratio of 2:1000 – lower than West Germany and France. (Gavan Tredoux http://goo.gl/VRvz5). These days the SAPS sport 5 times more sergeants than constables, 5.5 times more inspectors than sergeants and 60% of their members go about without driver’s licences. http://220.127.116.11/argief/berigte/volksblad/2002/07/23/5/2.html)
5. Africa Check must, like McCafferty, explain their comparisons, refutations and conclusions after readily admitting to incomplete statistics from the past. And how do Rapport and Africa Check arrive at their low white death rate figures when their only source explicitly does not keep statistics in ethnical or racial terms?
6. Africa Check cannot convince any reader, nor attempt to refute “unscientific” papers with the same relativist terminology of “appears to be”, “widely regarded as”, ”difficult to isolate”, “conspiracy theory”, “effectively perpetuated” and “mythology”.
7. Although McCafferty’s calculations may be read as uncertain, the dismissal of credible sources like the Medical Research Council, Home Affairs and Interpol should be taken up with them respectively. It is clear to see how judicial executions, warlike Struggle mortalities, ANC camp casualties and necklace murders can inflate any “normal” mortality figure. It does wonders for the new SA murder rate when dead victims of manslaughter are NOT reckoned into SA murder statistics. If you rob someone in her house and ‘accidentally’ shoot her, you simply claim ‘no intent’ and evade the murder wrap and SAPS stats thereof; even if you call her a white bitch before raping, hate crimes seemingly do not extend to whites victims.
8. It remains to be answered why, if old SAP crime figures are speculations, old population figures are not. Even today, forty years later, reaching South Africans in a national census poses a veritable nightmare. According to Census 2011, we are, remarkably, five times less certain about the population than we were in 2001 (Moultrie).
9. Critics have the mounting task of convincing even South Africa’s sceptical black leaders that the status quo is preferable to the old South Africa. Former ANC Youth League president Julius Malema, Agang party head Mamphela Ramphela, as well as Bishop Desmond Tutu have verbalised as much (http://goo.gl/yDEHX).
10. Liberal critics must sell to South Africans and the world at large the reliability of current SAPS statistics, the latter being the only party to benefit from deflated murder and rape figures. The SAPS admitted to 8 074 civil cases against their ministry from April 2010 to March 2011 and now has our former Police Commissioner serving time for corruption and the spouse of our Minister of Security – a convicted drug smuggler!
11. In predominantly segregated residential and crises areas any “national sample” will come under scrutiny. In one of the most murderous countries in the word, where the annual murder rate gravitates between 18 000 and 24 000 casualties (using conservative SAPS stats), a sample of 1378 murder dockets may prove absolutely nothing or exactly what you want.
12. Critics want South Africans to opt for SAPS stats over those of the MRC and Interpol, when StatsSA’s former deputy-general (Arrow) was arrested at home for stealing a ‘confidential’ document from the office at a time when we are monitoring political interference in public institutions.
13. The only reason fewer whites are killed than many other groups in South Africa is that they don’t readily slaughter each other. But even if whites account for only 10% of the bodies, our murder rate remains way too high for us to accept. The members of my minor post-European tribe, the Boere Afrikaner, dies more than any other global demographic of their living standard.
14. As the SAPS and State do not deem white crises as problematic, farm murder statistics were last released in 2007. But social media sites abound where victims can now volunteer their own experiences, independently, and where farm murders still never drop below 4 murders per month (May 2012-June 2013 http://sunettebridges.co.za/home/blog/ ) Clearly my estimate that we lose someone in a farm murder every 5 days, may prove to be erring on the conservative side. The official Transvaal Agricultural Union (TAU) statistic for 2012 is 141 farm attacks and 51 murders. This year, by June 2013, we had already crossed the 100 farm attacks mark.
15. That we cannot fit white victims of SA crime into an average sport stadium, is deftly refuted by PRAAG here http://t.co/R6pcEPoVgK (The stadium, capacity and period was fabricated by Africa Check, but our 8% of the Interpol death rate will easily fill an 80 000 seater!)
16. Different cultures/groups respond differently to mortality rates. Far be it for anybody to prescribe to any demographic when they should feel threatened or not. When extreme minorities attest to “dying like flies”, majorities can never be expected to reliably react on their behalf. This the ANC regime insists on under the banner of what they call “national unity”. When presented with five reliable sources to back their arguments, Africa Check opted for the one that underlined their selective agenda best. When an “exaggeration” could jolt the government into action, the only national Afrikaans newspaper, Rapport, opted to side against saving a farmer before next Sunday. (Victim’s name to be added here…) Three year old Willemien was shot execution-style, after her mother and dad were slayed by blacks on their farm in the Orange Free State.
I’m a mere citizen. Not very scientific. And I can probably never be objective again. But I ask that the subsidised Africa Check never pawn themselves off as pioneers of objectivity. They are funded by George Soros’s Open Society Foundation with a liberal mix of members from Wits and the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory.
Well, South Africans have incompatible memories, collectively we are all heirs of extremely frustrating circumstances. Political-correct white-wash now could be devastating later. South Africans are learning to see through political facades and lies and cannot be kept from rallying or mobilizing around any group they see fit or threatened. Struggle math does not tally and the tyranny of blame can be perpetuated for as longs as they need to blame Apartheid.
Meanwhile, black South Africans are as dependent as ever on what this government forces whites to do for them. Indeed, it is a society in which not only will blacks always be able to fall back on the support of affirmative action but where they will always need to (R.W. Johnson, South Africa’s Brave New World, 2009).
I concede that stats are frivolous things. If I recklessly retweeted or posted material from dubious sources, I would gladly apologise. I need to be part of the solution without discounting the vile threat to my small tribe. I do not need creative pie-charts for this. State-induced poverty on any minority is genocide and my little tribe is dying at the hands of other people and my government is marginalising my culture by undermining mother tongue education and keeping us out of the workforce with skin based policies.
Back to my initial point: my people are dying like flies. Just more violently.